Category Archives: POLITICS
Attitudes to democracy in Uganda, Paper
The process of democracy in Uganda
Understanding citizens attitudes to democracy in Uganda by Mattes,R.; Kibirige,F.; Sentamu,R. Afrobarometer (2010)
After nearly 30 years of autocratic rule and civil war, Uganda returned to elective national government in 1996. But while elections resumed, political parties were allowed to exist but legally prevented from directly fielding candidates for those elections. Where Uganda’s process of democratization goes from here depends not only on the wishes of the country’s leaders and ruling party, but also to some degree on how ordinary Ugandans view these changes and whether or not they are satisfied with the present level of democracy, as well as whether they are willing to demand the protection and expansion of democracy. This paper uses survey data in an attempt to shed some light on these issues. The goal is to provide a more nuanced understanding of trends in how Ugandans view their country’s process of political liberalization and democratization as well as the sources of these attitudes.
The paper provides the following findings:
- Just over half of Ugandans say the country is a democracy, just under half (48 percent) were “fairly†or “very satisfied†with the way democracy was working
- As of 2008, almost nine-in-ten say that they are “somewhat†or “completely free†“to join any political organization you want,†and three quarters say that people are similarly free to “say what you think.†Looking more closely, however, while most people feel that while they have the legal right to speak their mind, free speech in Uganda carries real risks
- While 86 percent of Ugandan citizens feel that people are free to “choose who to vote for without feeling pressured,†only 60 percent say “completely free.†Meanwhile, a significant proportion of the population worries about the consequences of their vote.
The paper provides the following recommendations:
- There is at least for now no need for governments or donors to attempt to do “hard things†such as transforming the economy, reducing poverty, or rapidly accelerating the delivery of services in order to save democracy
- Given that few donors would have the resources for a program substantial enough to achieve significant attitude change amongst the overall electorate, adult education programs need to be closely targeted to areas of greatest need
- While Ugandans clearly seem to understand the need to limit political power, civic education needs to promote the idea of the ordinary citizen as an agent with the duty to control government, rather than simply a subject or client.
How to get a copy
Download a pdf of Understanding citizens attitudes to democracy in Uganda from http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/?doc=57074&em=030211&sub=gov
Suggested books
- Electoral Democracy in Uganda: Understanding the Institutional Processes and Outcomes of the 2006 Multiparty Elections
- Localised or Localising Democracy. Gender and the Politics of Decentralisation in Contemporary Uganda
What does liberation in Africa mean in 2011?
As various African countries celebrate 50 years of independence there seems to be a lot of reflection going on. The following panel advert looks like a good opportunity for African scholars. If you are interested please apply by February 15 2011 to the organiser as requested below.
CFP: ASA 2011 Panel: What does liberation in Africa mean in 2011?
Paper abstracts are invited for a proposed panel analyzing the meaning of liberation and the role of liberation movements in contemporary Africa.
The idea for this panel came out of the general meeting of the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars (ACAS) at the 2010 African Studies Association meeting. Â ACAS was formed in the late 1970s in large part to organize scholarly analysis and action to support liberation movements in Southern Africa. Â The 50 year anniversaries of the independence of many African countries in the beginning of the 21st century and recent political conflicts and strengthening of dictatorships in some of these countries raise the questions: What has happened to liberation struggles and liberation organizations and leaders in the decades since national liberation? Â Where have the struggles gone or how have they morphed? Â What does liberation mean in 2011? Â What is the nature of current African liberation struggles, such as the Abahlali baseMjondolo shackdweller’s movement in South Africa, alternative political parties, or women’s movements across the continent? Â What visions do activists, politicians, and opposition groups currently hold for the liberation of their nations, social or ethnic groups?
Anyone interested in submitting a paper addressing one of these issues is invited to send an abstract of the paper to Leslie Hadfield at leslie_hadfield@byu.edu by February 15, 2011 (deadline for ASA submission: March 15).  Ideally, the panel will include both historical and contemporary analyses from a variety of disciplines and perspectives.  Please contact Leslie Hadfield at the above address with any questions or suggestions.
Suggested Books
Africa’s Liberation: The Legacy of Nyerere
Limits to Liberation in Southern Africa: The Unfinished Business of Democratic Consolidation
Senegal Dances into an Uncertain Future
Senegal and bordering countries
Senegal Dances into an Uncertain Future
Guest Post by Denis Tither, Dakar Senegal, January 17th 2010, http://investigatewestafrica.webs.com
The third in a series of World Festivals of Black Arts and Culture has just come to an end in Dakar Senegal. Artists, musicians, writers and film makers from many countries came to Senegal to celebrate for twenty one days over Christmas and into the New Year. With a customized village complex on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean and free entry for the general public to all the events, it looked to me like everybody who had the opportunity to take part had a very good time. A beautiful warm sea, with clear sunny days and nights in the moonlight, helped to create an illusion of West African perfection.
Unfortunately, in my opinion it was an illusion, because a very small percentage of the population of Senegal benefited in any way from the festival and there were a few unfortunate problems. The most serious being dust storms sweeping across Dakar created by several road building projects in different stages of completion and the longest and most regular power cuts in the country’s history. But Senegal is like that. One minute you are caught up in tourism atmospherics with plenty of music and dancing, and the next minute you come face to face with hardship and suffering, which are still the norm for the vast majority of African people.
To be fair, life in Senegal has been good compared to most other sub-Saharan countries. With political stability and a peaceful mix of Muslim and Christian cultures, successive leaders of the country had made steady progress during the first forty five years of independence from French Colonial rule. However, presumable to satisfy political ambition, the last five years have seen a change from steady progress to a big push to try to accelerate economic growth and a determined attempt to elevate the international image of the country.
Under President Wade, the foundation stone for a new international airport was laid and a very ambitious road and infrastructure programme was set in motion. In the same time period the Renaissance Monument was planned, and then designed and built by a North Korean company. Obviously the politicians had hoped that the Third World Festival of Black Arts and Culture would showcase Senegal’s achievements in the last five years and usher in  President Wades last year or so of the final of his two terms in office. Sadly, it didn’t work out like that and there are already signs that the voters in Senegal are not satisfied with their government’s priorities, and are increasingly worried about the potentially dangerous problems that could be lying in wait for them in 2011.
Having spent most of the last few years living in a working class district of Dakar, I can say from first-hand experience that Senegal has not fulfilled its potential in that time. Even after taking into account the effects on the country of the world economic crisis and the problems related to Senegal’s currency, the CFA XOFs linkage to the Euro, the country should be in a better position than it finds itself today. It’s not surprising that public opinion is saying that the general deteriating situation is a result of their government’s failure to make sensible decisions.
For example, the construction of the new international airport is running at least eighteen months behind schedule, and according to leaked reports, no solar energy system is being installed in this state of the art facility, which by any yard stick is an amazing omission for a sub-Saharan country with all year round sunshine. Food, electricity, water and cooking gas prices have been allowed to rise to levels which are very close to those in the United Kingdom, with around sixty per cent of the population unable to find legitimate employment. And, although the construction of several motorways and tourist routes have been completed, the general road systems in Dakar and towns and cities across Senegal are in chaos.
These phenomena are bad enough on there own, but when you consider the implications of the government announcement on January 3rd 2011, that the nation’s electricity supply company, SENLEC, is in serious financial trouble, you begin to understand why President Wade and his political party have become so unpopular. But, ironical as it may seem, the biggest threat to Senegal’s development and stability may not be from poor government decisions, but could come from individuals and organisations who have never been elected or who have any regard for the political process and the rights of an independent sovereign nation.
When you move around Senegal on a daily basis you cannot help asking yourself, where is all the money coming from to power the building boom in this country? The only real money earners are from the export of fish, agricultural products and from tourism. Import tax is also very high and the government have received money from bond issues and aide packages from Iran and other countries. However, the Senegalese governments budgetary system is sophisticated enough to have made sure that this funding has not been used to pay for penthouse apartments and lavish villas which are appearing out of nowhere in several exclusive locations in Senegal. Sooner rather than latter, you come to the conclusion that Senegal has two economies, one legitimate and operating on behalf of the general population, and one which is paying the bills for a growing number of very rich and powerful people. I am of course talking about the economy of organised crime.
It’s not too difficult to persuade ordinary Senegalese people to talk about organized crime. They love talking anyway, and they see every day the impact that dirty money is starting to have on their country. Drugs of all kinds are easier and cheaper to buy than cigarettes when the sun goes down in Dakar. Just one of the indicators of how the drug syndicates are penetrating Senegalese society, as they thrive in the perfect geographical location. Nowhere else in the world can they trade on a two way basis, with cannabis moving south from Morocco into the rest of Africa, and cocaine moving north into Europe en-route from South America. You have to be in the right place at the right time to see a South American face, but they are around collaborating with like minded individuals, and usually taking the leading role in a multi-million pound industry.
Well informed African Journalists estimate that over one ton a week of illicit drugs passed through Senegal by road in 2010. Not surprisingly they predict that this amount will increase as the Senegal motorway system edges closer to The Gambia in the south and Mauritania in the north, that is, unless the Senegal Police and Gendarmerie are given the resources to stem the flow. Any observer can see that, they are overwhelmed by the number of problems they are being asked to sort out, including policing thousands of miles of wide open borders in the north, east and south of Senegal.
On the evening of the 31st December 2010, President Wade gave his yearly television address to the nation. This was the first night for many months that everybody in Senegal who is connected to the national grid had un-interrupted power. It was a long speech and the President showed signs of his age, said to be somewhere in the nineties. Hid did however make one very important statement, mainly that 2011 would be a year of consolidation in Senegal. No new monuments, no new festivals, and no new major infrastructure projects. The statement was received as extremely good news, and you could feel a sigh of relief sweeping through the country. Because, if the President is as good as his word, this is a golden opportunity for him to turn his attention towards solving some of the problems which have been neglected in his country, for the last couple of years.
God willing, and one way or another by the democratic process, Senegal’s next president and new government will be chosen by the Senegalese people, who besides being intoxicated with music and dancing are gifted with patience, tolerance, negotiating skills and natural brain power; personality characteristics which make them unique in Africa. From my viewpoint, the indicators are that these qualities will be tested to the limit in 2011, which could be the most difficult year for Senegal since independence in 1950. In the meantime, If President Wade and his government officials fail to deal with and bring under control the thriving organized crime community and the influences of the dirty money economy in Senegal, the criminals are certain to escalate their operations bringing long term damage and eroding the international credibility of a fantastic country.
Denis Tither-Dakar Senegal
Nigeria Book Review : Oil, Politics and Violence
Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture explained
In the year that many Nigerians celebrate their 50th Anniversary of Independence, it is also an opportunity to reflect on all that has happened since 1960. If you do a search on Amazon you’ll find quite a number of Nigeria books 
One of these books, Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture 1966-1976, is by Max Siollun, a well respected Nigerian historian, who has a gift of making the history of this complex country clearer to non-specialists.
In his book 
I like the way this book sets the scene by presenting us with a series of maps at the beginning. Before the opening pages we are presented with a map of the major ethnic groups, although I’m not quite sure why that map was not included with the other maps in the preface as it would go better with the map of major Nigerian languages and the more general map locating Nigeria in Africa would have been better in its place, but that is just my preference.  The series of historical maps in the preface cover the political development  from the four regions of 1966  to the present 36 States and are worth referring back to from time to time.
It is impossible to appreciate the political complexity of Nigeria without a passing understanding of how the country came into being, its ethnic complexity and its mineral wealth and this book provides good background material in the preface and the opening chapter for those who are not so familiar with Nigeria.  The writer introduces us to these issues in the opening chapters by describing the situation leading up to independence and  introducing us to several strands - political and military – which culminate in the post-independence turmoil of 1966 which was a pivotal and dreadful year.
It is important to understand that like many African countries ‘Nigeria’ was an artificial construct.
The country was artificially constructed by a colonial power without the consent of its citizens. Over 250 ethnic groups were arbitrarily herded together into an unwieldy and non-consensual union by the UK. Nigeria was so ethnically, religiously and linguistically complex that even some of its leading politicians initially doubted it could constitute a real country.
The division of the huge area called Nigeria into the original 3 Regions by the British in the earlier part of the 20th century was largely pragmatic. The very large Northern Region was predominantly Muslim and dominated by the Hausa and Fulani, while the predominantly Christian south was dominated by two competing groups, the Yoruba and the Igbo. Among these main groups were 250 other ethnic groups of varying size. Most ethnic groups had little in common, and Siollun says that ‘The cultural differences between the ethnic groups made it virtually impossible for Nigerians to have any commonality of purpose’. It was within this artificially constructed maelstrom that political divides took on the identity and ideology of the these three geo-political regions.  The Western Region in the south was further divided into a Mid-Western region in 1963 after rising tensions and what could almost be considered the first coup plot. The antagonism between the north and south continued after independence and was further exacerbated by the fragmentation in the more numerous south and the uneven distribution of mineral wealth.
It is as a military historian that Siollun has his strength and this shows in his masterly analysis in the chapters that introduce the military background to the coups and the detailed description and analysis of the coups themselves. In some ways, although this is devastatingly real, I was reminded of a detective novel as the protagonists are revealed and their motives and actions analysed.
It would be tempting to give you a chapter by chapter summary of how the coup culture developed, but you’ll just have to read the book to understand the depth of detail that gives a fascinating insight into the way that friends can become rivals and enemies, and to see how Siollun answers the question of ‘how an apolitical professional army with less than fifty indigenous officers at independence in 1960 became politicized and overthrew its country’s government less than six years later’.
The lessons to be learnt from the critical analysis in this book are grim but necessary reading. Siollun’s final points are that ‘most of the coups …. were carried out by the same cabal of officers, and that ‘an unpunished coup will be followed by a bloodier coup’. Â It is also significant that it was only after 1999 when ‘all the serving army officers who had held political office for 6 months or more were compulsorily retired’ that the events set in motion in 1966 that lead to the military coups and military rule were able to be put to rest.
I think this book will become a seminal source for Nigerian historians and will be a fascinating read for anyone interested in Nigeria and in how coups develop.
Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976) by Max Siollun, Algora Publishing, New York. 2009 Â ISBN: 9780875867083
Available at Amazon:Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture 1966-1976
Disclosure: I was provided with a free copy of this book to review by Max Siollun
Sudan : Humanitarian crisis worsens ahead of referendum
As the date looms for the Sudan referendum on separating north and south Sudan, tensions are rising in the area. The following report from the IRC highlights the growing humanitarian crisis in Southern Sudan as people return home for the referendum.
Humanitarian Crisis in Southern Sudan Worsens Ahead of Referendum
Increased attention and resources needed to protect and aid civilians
JUBA—Increasing displacement from violence and a steady stream of Southern Sudanese returning home ahead of the January 9 referendum on secession are straining communities already facing dire shortages of food, water, health care and sanitation.
“We have an unfolding humanitarian crisis, layered on top of an existing and forsaken one,†says Susan Purdin, the International Rescue Committee’s country director in Southern Sudan. “And then there’s the potential for mass displacement, an upsurge in political and ethnic violence and a larger scale humanitarian emergency.â€
Hundreds of thousands of displaced Southern Sudanese have gradually returned home since the signing of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended a 22-year civil war between Sudan’s North and South. But the pace has dramatically accelerated, with some 106,000 returnees arriving from the North over the past three months.
The returnees are largely settling in former frontline states along the border that could be flashpoints again. They arrive with little if any money or support. Thousands are  camping out at makeshift transit centers, unable to reach their final destinations. Some have nowhere to go.
The security situation has also been deteriorating. Sporadic violence in the past year forced more than 220,000 people from their homes and attacks in the past few months in border regions have led to more displacement. The IRC and other aid groups are also seeing increased violence against women.
“These regions are struggling to recover from the last war,†says Purdin. “They lack basic services, food, infrastructure, and the means to protect their civilians, and have little capacity to absorb returnees or displaced populations given the already bleak conditions.â€
Southern Sudan remains one of the poorest and least developed places on earth. Millions are dependent on food aid, less than half of the population has access to clean drinking water, maternal mortality rates are among the worst in the world and one in seven children dies before the age of five.
As needs continue to increase, humanitarian aid organizations and UN agencies in Southern Sudan have stepped up assistance for the newly displaced, and put coordinated plans in place to respond to emergencies before and after the referendum.
The border state of Northern Bahr el Ghazal provides a snapshot of the growing needs and challenges. There, International Rescue Committee health teams are currently providing medical assistance to 5,000 people, mostly women and children, who arrived in December to escape recent attacks, along with some 7,000 unsheltered returnees stuck in limbo in the state’s capital Aweil and unable to provide for themselves.
In addition to aiding the newly displaced, the IRC has also been actively conducting contingency planning throughout the region–with teams in Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and Sudan gearing up to provide lifesaving services in the event of greater instability and increased displacement, while aiming to continue current aid programs. The organization’s global Emergency Response Team has been put on standby to assist.
In Southern Sudan, the IRC is boosting staff numbers in key locations. The IRC has also delivered a three-month supply of Ministry of Health and IRC-procured medicines and supplies to 29 health centers in Northern Bahr el Ghazal and Unity states, while stocking other critical supplies like mosquito nets, plastic sheets and blankets, and items needed to carry out relief operations, including fuel and spare car parts.
“Amid all the international debate about various scenarios and the referendum’s outcome, there has been a stunning lack of attention to the current and long-term protection and humanitarian needs of vulnerable civilians,†says Purdin.
Regardless of the referendum’s outcome, the Government of Southern Sudan will be overstretched for a number of years, with limited capacity to respond to emergency, recovery and development needs. The IRC urges the international community to fill in the gaps and offers these recommendations:
- Press for Protection of Civilians and Humanitarian Access: It is paramount that international donors maintain pressure on Sudanese parties to ensure a credible referendum and respect for the outcome, but this must go hand in hand with insisting on the protection of civilians. Amid deteriorating security and dwindling access to people in need, donors must press Sudanese actors to ensure the safety of civilians, respect humanitarian principles, allow the aid community unconditional access to vulnerable populations and take steps to prevent attacks on humanitarian staff. UNMIS and UNAMID also must assertively safeguard civilians and humanitarian operations.
- Meet UN Funding Appeal, Fund Basic Services, Increase Bilateral Support: International donors must recognize that Southern Sudan cannot move forward without adequate relief and long term development funding. US, European and other donors should quickly heed the UN’s request for an advance on the 2011 Consolidated Appeal Process, increase flexible funds for emergency, relief and development programs and consider direct funding to key Southern Sudanese ministries to address reintegration and other critical needs during the post-referendum period.
- Protect Women and Girls: Decades of war in Sudan have left a legacy of violence, especially against women and girls. With a rise in sexual assault ahead of the referendum and a historic spike in such attacks whenever there is increased conflict, there is an urgent need for heightened protection of women and girls, more and better programs to aid survivors and technical support for responsible government agencies.
About the International Rescue Committee:
A global leader in humanitarian assistance, the International Rescue Committee works in more than 40 countries offering help and hope to refugees and others uprooted by disaster, conflict and oppression. During crises, IRC teams provide health care, shelter, clean water, sanitation, learning programs for children and special aid for women. As emergencies subside, the IRC stays to revive livelihoods and help shattered communities recover and rebuild. The IRC also helps resettle refugees given sanctuary in the United States. A tireless advocate for the most vulnerable, the IRC is committed to restoring hope, dignity and opportunity.theIRC.org.
Earlier reports on the situation in Sudan
Sudan health issues as tension builds ahead of referendum
Suggested Books
This book critically examines how reconstruction has been envisioned and the role of the various major players in the process: including donors, NGOs, ex-combatants and the central state authority. It argues that reconstruction can only be successful if it takes into account the fundamental and irreversible transformations of society engendered by war and conflict, which in the case of Sudan includes the massive rural to urban population flows experienced during the years of warfare. It compares possible future scenarios for Sudan, and considers how the obstacles to successful post-conflict reconstruction might best be overcome.
Sudan at the Brink: Self-Determination and National Unity (International Humanitarian Affairs)
This book spotlights the challenges facing Sudan
Related articles
- South Sudan in withdrawal demand (bbc.co.uk)
- Sudan’s Post-Referendum Needs? Peace and Protection for Development, World Vision Says (prweb.com)
- Predictions of war haunt Sudan’s southern border (AP) (old.news.yahoo.com)
Conclusions of the International Conference on Global Africans, Pan-Africanism, Decolonisation and Integration of Africa – Past, Present and Future (Abuja, 21 – 24 September 2010)
Conclusions of the International Conference on Global Africans, Pan-Africanism, Decolonisation and Integration of Africa – Past, Present and Future (Abuja, 21 – 24 September 2010)
Organized by the Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization (CBAAC) in commemoration of Nigeria’s 50th Independence Anniversary, the Conference adopted a series of recommendations concerning namely
- The strengthening of an AU peer-review mechanism to facilitate the total integration of continental and global Africa.
- The launching of Curriculum development at all levels of education emphasizing Pan-Africanist visions and ideals.
- The adoption of Afrocentric language policy for African states as sustainable development can be better achieved through indigenous languages.
- The need to redefine, strengthen NEPAD liberating it from foreign influences and manipulations.
- The preserving, conserving and documenting Africa’s historical sites, monuments and other rich intangible cultural heritage for boosting tourism and facilitate integration of global Africa.
- The creation of a ministry of Regional integration and co-operation by all member states of the AU.
- The promotion of Pan-Africanism as a functional instrument or mechanism to challenge western ideas.
- The launching of an internet based collaborative effort in promoting the ideals of Pan-Africanism.
- The promotion of African indigenous languages.
Web site: http://www.cbaac77.com
Contact: ibraheem_muheeb@yahoo.com
CFP: Africa in the 21st Century and the Quasquicentennial of the Scramble of Africa, May 2011
The following conference to be held in Tshwane/Pretoria, South Africa from May 25-27 2011 will be of interest to African scholars from a number of disciplines.  Submission date for abstracts is 16 January 2011. For more information and to submit abstracts please contact Dr. Lekhotla Mafisa lmafisa@ai.gov.za.
Africa in the 21st Century and the Quasquicentennial of the Scramble of Africa: An International Symposium
Inspiration
“There is something absurd in the sudden Scramble for colonies”, Lord Derby, English Colonial Secretary, 28 December, 1884
“We must lose no chance of winning a share in the magnificent African cake” (King Leopold II of Belgium, 1877)
“Whoever knows the history of a country can read its future.” (DT Niane, Malian Writer and Historian)
“The most important problem for the countries of Africa arises out of our aspirations for unity” (Modibo Keita, Former President, Mali)
“The glory which awaits Africa cannot come about until Africa is united. If we fail to unite, then a great nation will go to sleep forever.” (Kwame Nkrumah)I. Background
125 years ago nearly 1000 self-identifying communities of unexplored diversity, complexity and variation, were arbitrarily carved up with the explicit objective of regulating and stabilising European imperial interests and formalising colonial control. This implicitly negated sovereignty and autonomy of Africa and its peoples. A cynical act endorsed abroad had the power of destroying relationships of trust that were the result of a long evolutionary history. By its adoption, the General Act of the Berlin Conference of 1885 segregated all the peoples of Africa (except Ethiopia and Liberia to a large extent), divided them and established the various mechanisms for their subjugation and exploitation. The Scramble of Africa that this act unleashed resulted in colonisation of Africa and would later see 53 post-colonial states emerge from the mid 20th Century. In 2010, more than one third of the existing states will celebrate their jubilee anniversaries.
The legacy from the Berlin conference still lives on. The post-colonial states inherited the formula of divide and rule. Today, Africa still lives with the challenge of communities within states that should not be, and conversely, those that should have within states that were split apart. The states that emerged did not transcend this dilemma. In 2010, Cameroon, Togo, Madagascar, DR-Congo, Somalia, Benin, Niger, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Chad, Central African Republic, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, Senegal, Mali, Nigeria and Mauritania, will all celebrate their Jubilee anniversary. None of them are yet free from the burden inherited from the scramble for Africa. Fifty years after they formally became politically independent virtually none of these countries have overcome this burden.
From the divide and rule formula from the scramble for Africa, many states have suffered civil wars, conflicts, military rule, limited economic development, and made Africa open to interference by outside powers. However, there have been some star performers, strong democracies, good governments and impressive economic developers. Until the global recession starting in 2008, most of the continent grew at about 6% annually; many were on track to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); most countries were democracries and a growing number subscribed to the African Peer Review Mechanism.
II. The Shadow over the Jubilee Anniversary: The Scramble for Africa
The borders drawn 125 years ago remain artificial and many states have not transformed into nations being held together precariously and threatened with possible conflict at one time or another. The key prize for the European Scramble for Africa was the Congo Basin. The real fight amongst the Portuguese, the French and King Leopold of Belgium was over who takes  control of the Congo River, the DR- Congo and Congo-Brazzaville. Actually the Germans used the title: “Kongo Conference” instead of what is popularly known today as the Berlin Conference at the time. Frantz Fanon used to say: ‘Africa is like a revolver, the Congo Basin is the trigger. Whoever controls the Congo controls Africa.’ Sad to say, the fight for the control of the Congo is still on. From the outset Congo’s independence was messy. The first leader Patrice Lumumba was murdered by those powers that had big stakes to plunder Congo’s wealth which continues today. Others use Congo’s riches, whilst the people of the Congo are left with the curse of war. Today, the problems fester on. Congo provides a vivid example that the plan concocted 125 years still lives on with no clear way out of the crises yet. No other place in Africa exemplifies the playing out of the tragic drama of the scramble for Africa as Sudan’s independence in 1956. The moment of celebration was also the moment of rebellion against what the British put together as Sudan. The Arabised North Sudan was celebrating freedom from Anglo-Egyptian control. The wishes of the people in South Sudan for a federation went unanswered and an armed struggle started shortly after independence; which went on for more than three decades broken into two periods. There will be a referendum in 2011 that could see South Sudan becoming a separate state.
Though Sudan became independent before Ghana, the African de-colonisation has been recognized to have begun with Ghana’s black star shining over its red, yellow and green flag flying high and the British Union Jack  flag coming down on March 6, 1957. Ghana declared that freedom for Ghana is incomplete without all of Africa becoming united and free. Kwame Nkrumah understood the more important challenge is not only to get Ghana independent but also to overcome the legacy of the Scramble for Africa by uniting all of Africa. The death of Apartheid in South Africa in 1994 heralded the end of the independence struggles (bar Spanish Sahara, but the desire for a united Africa still remains a dream.
Africa is not without historical achievements to resist the continuation of the scramble for Africa today. Two distinct successful examples of resistance were achieved by Haiti, from the African world outside the continent, and Ethiopia inside Africa. In different ways, both held the African resistance, liberation and independence imagination for a long time; Haiti by becoming the first black independent Republic since 1791. Napoleon’s 60,000 armed forces could not stand up to the power and force of Toussaint L’Ouverture and his gallant comrades. Unfortunately Haiti’s independence took the form of a neo-colonial settlement where France demanded indemnity to the tune of 22 billion dollars that Haiti kept paying until recently helping to keep it the most impoverished state in the Americas. It has taken nearly 109 years to pay off this indemnity turning Haiti from a rich sugar cane producer to an impoverished and vulnerable state. Haiti ended up attracting all forms of humiliation to a point now it has been literally exhausted having been turned into a real charity basket. One wonders how much her history of resistance has to do with this attempt to degrade this nation into a historical non-entity.
Ethiopia in Africa is the other inspiring country that held the independence imagination for over 500 years. Ethiopia was a kingdom and not a republic like Haiti, but it remained un-enslaved, un-degraded and un-colonized fighting all the powers that came to subvert its independence. In recognition of these, the Ethiopian flag has served as the flag of independence for 15 African states and the Organisation of African Unity or now the African Union. Like Nkrumah in 1963 Emperor Haile Selassie said, “Our liberty is meaningless unless all Africans are free.” Nevertheless, like Haiti, Ethiopia too remains an exhausted African nation for the price it paid for holding high the independence, resistance and liberation imagination of the entire African world. In 1991 Ethiopia became split into vernacular and ethnic enclaves and Eritrea also was split from Ethiopia. Africa can draw positive lessons from Ethiopia’s history of independence. It can draw lessons of what to avoid also from what has happened to Ethiopia since 1991 when the country degraded into vernacular and ethnic boundaries. From this ethnic and vernacular turn and division, Africa can learn what not to do. What Africa needs is to expand its human possibilities by attaining African level citizenship by expanding identities to a common African humanity. This is the priority. This is what it means to go beyond the history of the scramble for Africa. This is the way for Africa to claim the 21st century.
On October 1, 2010 the most populous state in Africa, Nigeria celebrates its jubilee anniversary. Approximately one in five Africans is a Nigerian. So Nigeria can be used as a template to judge the performance, capabilities and potentials of the entire continent. Nigeria is also important not only because it has one of the most powerful economies in the continent, but also because it has the largest market. Is Nigeria out of the woods or is there a scenario of chaos within the country that would affect the entire continent owing to being unable to overcome the legacy inherited 125 years ago? Unfortunately, Nigeria has not been able to achieve a significant proportion of its vast potential. It has had an unfortunate history of military dictatorships and serious civil unrest (including a civil war) as many other African countries. Its enormous natural resources- particularly petroleum and gas- have often not been employed for the development of the country but have instead been siphoned to foreign bank accounts by unscrupulous politicians and public servants. There has been a depletion of its public services in areas such as health, power generation, education and social welfare and development. All these drawbacks have combined to make Nigeria the so-called “sleeping giant” of the continent.
The most powerful achievement of the end of the 20th century for Africa was the coming of South Africa to the common Africa home. South Africa became free in 1994 from racial domination. Its re-birth combined its liberation with the lofty ambition for an African renaissance and African century. South Africa is a potential leader in Africa given the huge size of its economy relative to other African states, and the access it has to many international policy forums that other African states do not. It is not clear how other African states see South Africa, as it is still not clear how much Africa is a priority in South Africa’s policy. Some countries see her as a source of foreign investment, development strategies and a fighter for African causes; whilst others resent the glory this so called late comer is enjoying, neo-coloniser and some question her Africanness. The issue of whether South Africa can give African leadership by prioritizing Africa over states like Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRICS) and other states outside Africa remains an open question. As South Africa tries to go for the BRICS, paradoxically it has lost ground to China, India and Brazil and others to step in parts of Africa where South Africa is still yet to make enduring collaborations.
III. Who would speak for Africa?
As the various regions of the world–Europe and the USA, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe–line up behind major powers on global issues, it is also necessary to reflect upon which voice or regional leader should speak for Africa. It is clear that the United States leads the rest of West and acts as its leading voice. Britain always has accepted US leadership as a matter of its national policy priority. They call it a special relationship. In Latin America, Brazil and Argentina are jockeying to be the leading voices of the region but increasingly Brazil is rapidly establishing itself as the leading voice. China is contending with Japan for leadership in Asia. But can the same trend be said to be taking place in Africa? The picture is far from clear. The major states of Africa - South Africa, Egypt, Ghana, Ethiopia, Libya, Senegal, Kenya and Nigeria - do need to be clear of their roles in order to articulate a unifying vision that speaks for the entire continent so that when Africans participate in global forums there is a unity of voice and action.
Participants of the symposium are encouraged to provide engaging analyses of the question of African leadership in Africa. How would Africans deal with the world with united action and voice and respond to the world so that they forestall being victims of division, manipulation and seduction by  external aid to undermine Africa’s overall interest in today’s international affairs distinguished by organized hypocrisy. Are Africans ready to be led by other Africans and not the former colonial powers or the new emerging powers? This is an important matter related to whether Africa lives under the shadow of the old and new scramble of Africa and is ready to close this ugly chapter of its history. Who in Africa would speak for Africa remains an open question?
IV. The Double Moment and Its Impact on Africa’s Future
So after 125 years of the Berlin Conference, and 50 years after more than a third of Africa celebrates the jubilee anniversary, the past lives on in the present, threatening Africa’s future. We believe it is important to take this double moment of an infamous European Scramble for Africa and the jubilee celebrations of more than a third of Africa to pause, ask and reflect: which way is Africa going? Is there a link between 125 afer Berlin and 50 years of the Jubilee anniversary in 2010? If so what is this link? Is it positive or negative? If negative how shall Africa overcome? How does Africa’s past speak to its present? How does the past’s interaction with the present shape and frame the future? There is a need to look back, to understand today and in order to look ahead in the future.
V. The Key Trends in Africa
1. The old Scramble for Africa: is it over or does it still continue in different guises with different actors and players?
2. The post-colonial states: are they robust or fragile? How can they overcome the arbitrary carving up and splitting of ethnicities and vernacular communities? Is it by degrading to vernacular and ethnic states or by upgrading to the unity, resistance, independence and liberation imagination as Africans? Which identity should take priority or first place — the African, sub-ethnic or vernacular?
3. There is talk of the new scramble for Africa and in fact research is being undertaken on how and why rising powers such as China and India are re-carving Africa at least by searching to exploit Africa’s rich resources. How credible is this assertion?
4. The old European powers and the US are believed to be continuing in concerted efforts to control Africa’s natural resources.
5. How will Africans navigate from a past that lives on in the present, threatening Africa’s future to forge a 21st African Century? Can Africa claim the 21st century? Are Africans ready to be led by fellow Africans to construct Africa’s capability to deal with a world and respond without sacrificing Africa’s values and interests? Who in Africa should lead Africa, by displaying the ability to command legitimacy from all?
6. There are a number of processes for integration: the Africa Union, the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), NEPAD, and the Pan-African Congresses–in different ways they all keep alive the Pan-African imagination.
V. Some Themes for Writing Papers
The following sub-themes form the major preoccupations of the conference:
- The Clash of Tradition and Modernity in Africa
- Pan-Africanism for the 21st Century
- The political economy of African Integration
- The Scramble for Africa and the Post-Colonial Nation-building Processes
- The Dilemma in Sudan and the Congo Basin
- The Challenges of building accountable institutions
- Governance, Democracy and Development in Africa
- Community centred services vs. state level policies for services
- The ethics of public service and the struggle against corruption
- Energy exporters African states are Energy poor: why?
- Energy importing developed countries are energy rich – Why?
- The Imperative of African Integration
- Indigenous Knowledge Systems
- The New Scramble for Africa: China, India, Russia and Brazil
- Pivotal States: South Africa, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, Libya
- North Africa and the rest of Africa
- Lusophone, Francophone, Anglophone Africa vs. Africa-phone Africa?
- The United States of Africa or the Africa Nation
- The Pan-African Congresses and Pan-Africanism
- Towards the 8th Pan-African Congress and Peoples Pan-Africanism
- Japan, Europe and USA and Africa
- Who in Africa can and should lead Africa? Can Africans agree to be led by Africans?
- How can the barriers that prevent African engagement with other African be removed?
VI. Concluding Remark
Whether the scramble for Africa lives on or not, still to this day in substantive terms African engagement with other Africans is mostly secondary to their respective engagement with others outside Africa. There is more disengagement with one another than the much needed engagement that should be driving African history forward.
There is a need to acknowledge all the positive data to counter effectively either the continuation of the old or the new scramble for Africa. Africa must claim the 21st century as the African century. The lessons of the past, the challenges of the present, and the opportunities and possibilities of the future must be combined to bring African unity now. This is the real challenge confronting Africa.
All the positive energies from within Africa must be integrated to make Africa achieve agency for navigating the contours of a difficult world. As Africa had the rawest deal in human history all efforts must be made to make sure all of Africa or united Africa gets a fair, just and new deal. Before the year 2010 is over, there is a need to make the broadest possible education on both the scramble for Africa, the threat of the new Scramble, the opportunities for making Africa’s time this 21st century and gathering and disseminating the value of positive data that can be gleaned from all positive histories in the African world (we must not ignore the negative issues, but learn from them). Such concerted actions and education using technologies and various ways of teach-ins must be spread across the African universe with interest and joy.
VII. Date of Conference
The proposed symposium is meant for participants for all over the world and would take place in Tshwane/Pretoria, South Africa. The symposium would be held in May 25-27, 2011.
Timelines:
Submission of abstracts: 16 January 2011
Notification of accepted abstracts: 29 February 2011
Submission of peer-reviewed papers: 26 March 2011Expected Outcomes:
a) An empirically sound conference paper for presentation
b) Consideration for special journal edition for selected papers
c) Compilation of conference proceedings into a bookConference Participants
(Invitation to all those who work on Africa inside and outside of Africa)
Dr. Lekhotla Mafisa
Abstracts to be sent to lmafisa@ai.gov.za
Paper : Citizenship law in Africa, a comparative study
Citizenship law in Africa: a comparative study
Authors: Manby,B.
Produced by: Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project (2010)
Laws and practices governing citizenship in too many African countries effectively leave hundreds of thousands of people without a nationality. These stateless Africans are among the continent’s most vulnerable populations: they can neither vote nor stand for office; they cannot enrol their children in school, travel freely, or own property; they cannot work for the government; and they are often exposed to human rights abuses.Few African countries provide for an explicit right to a nationality. Moreover, although the laws in more than half of the continent’s countries grant children born on their soil the right to citizenship at birth or the right to claim citizenship when they reach the age of majority, observance of these laws is often lacking. Among the report’s other findings are:
- The citizenship laws of more than half of Africa’s states discriminate against women. Women in these countries are unable to pass on their citizenship to their foreign spouses or to their children if the father is not a citizen. Encouragingly, however, in recent years, laws drawing on the international conventions on women’s rights have introduced gender neutrality in many countries, and others have enacted reforms providing for greater gender equality.
- Another cause of statelessness is the failure by many African states to provide effective naturalisation procedures, especially for refugees. In practice, even where the law is unproblematic, some countries’ procedures are available in theory only.
The report proposes a number of recommendations, including:
- African states should address the problems of citizenship that the continent’s history of colonisation and migration has created, and should bring their citizenship laws into line with international human rights norms.
- Laws should provide for citizenship to be granted on the basis of any strong connection to the country, including birth on its territory, having a father or who is a citizen, marriage to a citizen, and long-term residence.
- The laws regulating citizenship should not refer to membership of any particular race or ethnic group as the basis for inclusion in or exclusion from citizenship rights and Citizenship rights should be based on gender equality in all respects, including the right of a woman to pass her citizenship on to her children and spouse.
- Obtaining citizenship by naturalisation should be possible for anyone able to prove legal residence in a country for a reasonable period. Any additional requirements such as knowledge of national languages—must be reasonably possible to achieve for someone who has arrived in a country as an adult.
[Via ELDIS.org]
How to get a copy
Available online at: http://afrimap.org/english/images/report/OSF_Citizenship_Law_Africa_2ndEd_2010.pdf
Sudan : Health Issues as Tension Builds Ahead of Referendum
Image by JCKole via Flickr
A short while ago I wrote a review of a National Geographic article, Sudan’s shaky Peace, which appeared in their November issue. As the referendum on the division of Sudan draws closer tensions are increasing. The following report from the IRC highlights the health issues involved as people flee their villages because of insecurity and localised violence.
IRC Aids Thousands in Southern Sudan Who Fled Recent Sudanese Army Bombings, As Tension Builds Ahead of Referendum
JUBA, Dec 8, 2010 — An International Rescue Committee medical team is delivering emergency health care services to more than 3,500 newly displaced people, mostly women and children, who fled to the state of Northern Bahr el Ghazal in Southern Sudan after their villages in South Darfur were hit by Sudanese Army bombers.
The displaced started crossing the border into the district of Aweil North after the November 12 attack and have been arriving in waves at a makeshift camp in the town of Jaac  – following a nearly two day journey across rivers and through thick forest. The new arrivals are ethnic Dinka, originally from this area, who had been living in border villages in South Darfur.
The IRC’s mobile medical team launched a vaccination campaign for children under five, women of child-bearing age and pregnant women last week and vaccinations continue this week. They are also treating the displaced for upper respiratory tract infections, malaria and diarrhea.
“We’re vaccinating hundreds of children against polio, diphtheria, TB and measles, after learning that none had been previously immunized,†says the IRC’s Dr. Vincent Kahi. “Epidemics can spread quickly among displaced populations, so this is an easy intervention that saves lives.â€
Dr. Kahi says the area remains tense. During a multi-agency needs assessment last week, Sudanese Army planes circled above, but there was no attack.
“The overflying planes caused additional fear and alarm among a group already traumatized by last month’s bombings,†says Dr. Kahi.
The IRC plans to continue emergency medical services for the displaced while continuing maternal and primary health care services for the host population. Other groups are distributing food and household supplies.
“The latest violence and displacement are troubling,†says Susan Purdin, the IRC’s country director in southern Sudan. “With the referendum a month away, these incidents raise political tension and distrust on both sides of the border.â€
Purdin says the IRC has been preparing for all scenarios – putting contingency plans in place in the event of violent outbreaks that cause modest or significant displacement.
“We’re hoping for the best, but preparing for the worst,†Purdin says. “However, we don’t believe that small-scale incidents will impact the outcome. Sadly, localized violence has become part of life in Southern Sudan.â€
The IRC has been delivering humanitarian aid in Southern Sudan for 20 years. IRC teams provide some 500,000 people with lifesaving medical and reproductive health programs and specialized health assistance for children under five. IRC aid workers also run education services and sexual violence aid and prevention programs. The IRC formerly supported 800,000 people in Darfur and 1.1 million in North and East Sudan with health, water, sanitation, education, women’s health, protection and livelihoods services. In March 2009, the IRC was one of 13 international agencies expelled from these regions.
About the International Rescue Committee: A global leader in humanitarian assistance, the International Rescue Committee works in over 40 countries, offering help and hope to refugees and others uprooted by conflict, oppression and disaster. During crises, IRC teams provide health care, shelter, clean water, sanitation, learning programs for children and special aid for women. As emergencies subside, the IRC stays to revive livelihoods and help shattered communities recover and rebuild. The IRC also helps resettle refugees admitted into the United States. A tireless advocate for the most vulnerable, the IRC is committed to restoring hope, dignity and opportunity.
For more information, visit theIRC.org
Suggested Books
- Sudan: Darfur and the Failure of an African State
- Six Months in Sudan: A Young Doctor in a War-Torn Village
Related articles
- South Sudan in withdrawal demand (bbc.co.uk)
- SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: What the analysts are saying post-secession (IRINnews.org)
- China Tries to Mediate Sudan Oil Impasse (abcnews.go.com)
A shaky peace in Sudan
Two young boys tend to their family's cattle in the Bulbul Dalal Angara region of Nyala, Sudan. 05/12/2006. Nyala, Sudan. UN Photo/Fred Noy
[Photo credit: United Nations Photos]
Sudan’s Shaky Peace
One day some years ago, before the latest civil war began in earnest, a Sudanese boy named Logocho peeked into the entry of his family’s grass hut. His father sprang out and grabbed him, and then, with an older boy, pinned him in the dirt.
Thus begins an excellent article, Sudan’s Shaky Peace, that is published in the November issue of National Geographic magazine, which I strongly suggest you read. Â The article tells graphically the life story of a young Sudanese boy named Logocho and draws parallels between his life and his land, Sudan. We are drawn into the story of this young Murle boy who does not have the emotional connection to cattle that is expected by his family and the Murle people. Â On the surface, this is a success story of a boy despised and rejected by his family who has a very difficult time but eventually makes good but beneath the surface of the story lurks a deeper meaning based in the complex history of the largest country in Africa. Matthew Teague skillfully brings this out by interspersing Logocho’s story with historical background and his own experiences.
The Murle people
Logocho belongs to a people group called The Murle people who are cattle nomads who entered the southern part of Sudan from Kenya centuries ago. Â You can find some detailed information about the Murle in a Sudan Vision newspaper article.
This bull is one of a couple hundred cattle that were abducted by Murle from Dinka. The Peace Committee in Gumuruk rounded them up and are holding them to return them to their rightful owners in Bor, once the Peace Committee in Bor reciprocates with cattle that have been stolen from the Murle. Apparently the owner of this bull was killed in the fighting because he held on to the bulls horns and would not let them go, so highly did he prize the bull.
[Photo credit: Joodmc]
A little history of Sudan
Sudan is usually portrayed negatively in the press, and we hear about war, unrest and famine. However the history of Sudan goes back to neolithic times, and you may be interested to read an article about Neolithic nomads at El Multaga, Upper Nubia, Sudan. You may also be surprised to hear that the early history of Sudan entwines with that of Egypt, its neighbour, and that both countries developed pharaonic kingship systems at around the same time, although Sudan was called Nubia then.  At times the two countries merged politically and earlier this year it was reported in the Independent that a Massive statue of Pharaoh Taharqa was discovered deep in Sudan. This Pharaoh ruled an empire from Sudan to the Eastern Mediterranean (the Levant). Egypt has had a strong influence on Sudan to the present day.
Here are a few historical notes via InfoPlease:
- Nubia was merged with Egypt after 2,600 BC
- This merged civilization was called Kush and it flourished until 350 AD
- The region converted to Christianity in the 6th Century.
- Muslim Arabs converted the region to Islam after they had conquered Egypt.
- From 1500 onwards a people group called the Funj conquered much of Sudan. Then a number of black African people groups settled in the south.
- Egypt re-conquered Sudan in1874.
- Britain occupied Egypt in 1882 and took over Sudan in 1898 as a co-ruler with Egypt.
- Between1898 and 1955 Sudan was known as Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.
- Sudan gained self-government from Britain and Egypt in 1953 and full independence came three years later in 1956, but in the midst of civil war.
- Since independence Sudan has been governed by unstable governments and military regimes and there has been constant conflict between the North and the South.
Comprehensive Peace Agreement
A ‘Comprehensive Peace Agreement’ was signed in 2005 leading to more autonomy for the South of Sudan and the possibility to benefit from oil revenues, it also provides for a referendum on independence for the south in 2011. As you can see from the National Geographic map below (used with permission) significant oil fields lie in southern Sudan. The rows over cattle between various southern groups in Sudan, like the Murle and the Dinkas will probably continue forever, but oil has become a major preoccupation in the last 10 years or so. Southern Sudan produces around 65% of Sudan’s oil, and oil provides some 98% of Sudan’s non-aid income. The fight for independence in the south and the possibility of a referendum on it in 2011 will intensify the fight over oil revenues. An uneasy peace indeed!
Other SocioLingo Africa posts of interest
It’s been a while since I focussed on oil in Africa. Earlier my focus had been on Congo, partly because of the work of Dave Donelson, who has contributed a number of posts on SocioLingo Africa.
America and China DRC Mining Deals
Some surprising facts : America NEEDS Africa!
Related articles
- SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: What the analysts are saying post-secession (IRINnews.org)
- Breaking the cycle of violence in Sudan | Joshua Craze and Nicky Woolf (guardian.co.uk)
LGBTI rights in Uganda
[Photo credit: painting by Brian Kezaala Nkoyooyo]
The following Guest Post by Mark Canavera addresses one of the controversial issues that is concerning many people in Africa at the moment. It was previously published on the Huffington Post. You can follow Mark on Twitter @canavera.
You may also be interested in J Kainja’s article Gay Issues in Malawi and Uganda on this site.
The Kuchu Beehive: How Activists are Using Coalitions to Promote LGBTI rights in Uganda
by Mark Canavera
The kuchu movement is abuzz in Uganda. Kuchu is a (plural: kuchus) word, apparently of Swahili origin, that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) Ugandans have minted to describe their identities.  “We do not use the word ‘queer,’†explains Frank Mugisha, chairman of Sexual Minorities Uganda, an umbrella entity that brings together LGBTI organizations for advocacy purposes. “We’ve got our own word that encompasses the whole idea: kuchu.â€
Despite a penal code that criminalizes homosexual acts with penalties of upwards of 10 years of imprisonment, Uganda has witnessed an astounding flowering of kuchu organizations in recent years. Each cluster is structured differently: some exist primarily as online discussion fora while others run legal aid clinics or provide health services to sexual minorities. Some meet in bars and members’ living rooms while others maintain offices with laptop computers and Wi-Fi internet connections. Taken together, they represent a richly diverse community and a potent symbol of how far Uganda’s LGBTI movement has come in a short time period. “We are out talking,†says Kasha Jacqueline, the executive director of Freedom and Roam Uganda (FARUG), an association dedicated to empowering lesbian women. Some activists note that one reason that kuchus are able to speak out is that Ugandan law allows only for the arrest of homosexual acts, not for LGBTI identities. “We want to talk about these things. It’s our resilience that is making all of this happen.â€
Uganda’s embryonic LGBTI movement could hardly have been prepared, however, for the onslaught of activity that would result from the introduction of an Anti-Homosexuality Bill in Ugandan Parliament last year. “The last six months have been chaotic,†writes Val Kalende, the manager of programs and communications for FARUG, in an e-mail, further explaining that most organizations were forced to slow down their other day-to-day activities to focus on fighting the bill.  The proposed bill calls for the death penalty for cases of the newly concocted crime of “aggravated homosexuality,†criminalizes advocacy on behalf of gay people, and would require third parties (including family members) to report known homosexuals within twenty-hour hours.
The bill has garnered significant media attention in the West both for its connections to the American religious right (the subject of at least two documentaries) and the threat of donor governments to withdraw their aid to Uganda if the bill were to pass. Most American evangelical churches have distanced themselves from a bill that the Swedish government called “appalling†but others like Canyon Ridge Christian Church in Nevada remain steadfast supporters of those who promote the bill.
Whatever else it did, the bill provided the nebulous LGBTI movement in Uganda with a common enemy, and the myriad organizations that were just beginning to take shape recognized the need to come together to kill the bill. “When the bill was introduced, there was a need to reach out to other human rights groups, not to take a back seat†says Mugisha. Kalende explains that, “Everyone got on the telephone and called the head of an organization they knew asking them to join the coalition and sign our first press statement condemning the bill. In just a week, we had registered 21 organizations, including those we thought would never support LGBT rights.â€Â Thus was born the Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights and Constitutional Law, or simply, “the Coalition.â€Â   In addition to fighting the bill, the Coalition aims to strengthen the capacity of LGBTI organizations throughout the country.
Today, the Coalition boasts 32 confirmed members, says Coalition coordinator Adrian Jjuuko. Member organizations of the Coalition run the gamut, including HIV/AIDS-focused organizations, labor associations, women’s rights non-profits, and refugee and prisoner rights groups. Some women’s rights groups turned a cold shoulder to the invitation to join the Coalition, but Kasha stresses the importance of continuing to extend a welcoming hand. “We should continue building links even if we are not very welcome there,†says Jacqueline. “We are women, and we should not only talk about issues that concern only lesbians but also other women. They need to know that we feel the pain.â€Â Mugisha notes that two years ago, no other civil society organizations were willing to join hands with the LGBTI movement, so he sees the creation of this Coalition as a major achievement in and of itself.
Swarming together as a Coalition has clear advantages, say activists. “Working with these networks has given us a lot more power as a movement,†says Mugisha. “We speak out as one, but we are able to advocate in a number of ways. We can pursue quiet advocacy to with a number of different policymakers and organizations through a variety of channels.â€Â Jjuuko explains that the Coalition has also helped to broaden the base of support for the LGBTI movement. He explains, “Since other organizations have joined forces with this movement, others do not say, ‘Oh it is just the LGBTI organizations making noise again.’â€Â Jacqueline adds that working in a coalition gives the movement “a bigger space for our struggle.â€
But of course, this network-based approach contains inherent challenges. “As in many young coalitions elsewhere,†says one respondent, “the struggle for power is still at hand. Everyone wants to be at the top, and we forget Rome was not built in one day.â€Â Beyond what seem to be relatively minor leadership tussles, however, larger challenges loom. The security situation for kuchu people – who by their own accounts are regularly subjected to blackmail by police officers, public harassment and assault, and imprisonment – represents a daunting context in which to seek to expand membership. Some organizations of the Coalition have already been visited by “infiltrators†from the anti-LGBTI movement. “It’s hard for us,†says Jacqueline. “You can’t really do a triage. We have had security training for our members, but otherwise, it is a risk that we have to accept to live with.â€Â Finally, the large-scale visibility that the Coalition has been able to mobilize around the bill has brought with it increased visibility for the services available for the LGBTI community, which are too meager to cope with the demand. “Positive and negative media campaigns have wooed many LGBTI members who were in the closet to come and seek our services,†says Moses Mulindwa, public relations officer for Spectrum Uganda Initiatives, a health and HIV/AIDS-focused service organization, “[but] we have limited capacity to handle [these new cases].â€
There is little indication what will happen next. A cabinet committee tasked with reviewing the proposed bill recently recommended that the law be scrapped, suggesting that most of the law’s provisions were already adequately covered by the country’s draconian penal code. Whether or not the bill will rear its head again, Uganda’s legal and public opinion environment will still prove extremely challenging to the kuchu community there, and retaining cohesion will surely be a challenge, says Jjuuko. Be that as it may, Uganda’s kuchus have proven that they can coalesce with astonishing speed and power to protect their collective wellbeing and advance their goals. “If we put the movement first before ourselves,†writes Kalende, “we will achieve much more.â€
This article is the second in a series profiling organizations and individuals in sub-Saharan Africa promoting the rights of sexual minorities. The first article in the series profiled the work of a pioneering agency in Malawi, and the next article will cover a West African setting.
Links to Websites of Key Organizations working to Promote LGBTI/Kuchu Rights in Uganda
- Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights and Constitutional Law –Ugandan coalition of organizations formed to campaign against the Anti-Homosexuality Bill. Interested readers can sign their petition here. The Coalition is housed within the Refugee Law Project, a program affiliated with the law faculty at Makerere University, Uganda’s largest university, to protect and promote human rights for asylum seekers, refugees, deportees, and internally displaced persons.
- Freedom and Roam Uganda (FARUG) – association dedicated to empowering lesbian women in Uganda, including a recently completed Leadership Training Institute. FARUG’s Facebook Page is at Friends of FARUG.
- Sexual Minorities Uganda – coalition bringing together LGBTI organizations for advocacy purposes. Two current constituent members are Icebreakers Uganda, a support organization with chapters throughout the country (Facebook page here), and Integrity Uganda, the country branch of an international religious organization whose mission is “to be a witness of God’s inclusive love to the Episcopal Church and the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender community.â€
- Support Initiative for People with Atypical Sex Development – support and public outreach organization for Uganda’s intersex community.
- Pride Alliance Uganda International – Canada-based community support group for LGBTI Ugandans living in Canada and for those seeking resettlement or asylum.
- Spectrum Uganda Initiatives – Rights-based organization that focuses largely on health and HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment for the LGBTI community.
Uganda : District creation and decentralisation
The decentralisation process
This paper, District creation and decentralisation in Uganda by Green,E. produced by Crisis States Programme, LSE (2008), looks at the common phenomena in the decentralisation process of creation of new administrative units. This paper should be of interest to people interested in African politics and particular in Ugandan politics.
Within the vast literature on decentralisation, there is little attention on one important aspect of decentralisation – namely the creation of new sub-national administrative units. This despite the fact that governments of developing countries such as Benin, Burkina Faso, Republic of Congo, India, Indonesia, Nigeria and Vietnam, among many others, have created a slew of new units since the 1990s. In an attempt to fill this gap, this paper tries to understand what underlying motives lie behind the creation of new districts in the African country of Uganda and how widely applicable these motives may be in other contexts.
Uganda, alongside large scale economic and political reforms, has witnessed a steep increase in the number of districts, going from 39 to 79 in less than a decade. The paper examines various potential reasons for the creation of these new districts and argues that district creation has been primarily a source of patronage in the ongoing need for President Museveni to win elections. It says the trend is likely to continue as Museveni attempts to cling on for a fourth term.
The paper says that district creation has been more successful than other types of patronage like new cabinet posts and new parliamentary constituencies in maintaining Museveni’s support. Whereas cabinet ministers and MPs can siphon off their salaries for personal reasons, the creation of a district necessarily brings money to the countryside and thereby benefits local at least to some degree
Download a pdf of  District creation and decentralisation in Uganda from Crisis States research centre
